Hill Times: ‘Structural solutions not inflammatory conclusions’ required to fix foreign worker program: Senator Omidvar
Hill Times: ‘Structural solutions not inflammatory conclusions’ required to fix foreign worker program: Senator Omidvar
NDP MP Jenny Kwan (Vancouver East, B.C.), her party’s immigration critic, said the UN report should come as no surprise to the government, as it echoes “what migrant workers and labour advocates have been saying for a very long time.”
NDP MP Jenny Kwan says the power imbalance that leads to abuse is structural to the temporary foreign worker program, not just its low-wage stream. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade “The way the program is set up exposes workers to exploitation and abuse because they’re reliant on their employer to retain their status in Canada,” Kwan explained. “If they face abuse and exploitation and complain about it, they stand to lose their job, and—in the worst-case scenario—they stand to be deported back to their country of origin.”
Kwan said the government has taken a “haphazard approach” to addressing problems with the TFWP to date, focused almost solely on the low-wage stream, but—while misuse of that stream is “particularly deplorable”—she said the root of the problem is structural to the entire program.
“The government has to address the main structural issue, and that is the power imbalance that exists between the temporary foreign worker and the employer,” Kwan said. “The only way to do that is to ensure that the temporary foreign workers actually have landed status on arrival, then they are not dependent on the employer, and would not have to suffer potential abuses and exploitation.”
“It doesn’t matter what stream it is, all the temporary foreign workers programs subject migrant workers to potential exploitation because of that power imbalance,” Kwan said, adding, though, that the NDP supports calls to end the program’s low-wage stream.
While the government and groups like the Canadian Chamber of Commerce may reject the UN rapporteur’s characterization of the program, the recent Senate report found similar abuses within the program.
‘Structural solutions not inflammatory conclusions’ required to fix foreign worker program: Senator Omidvar
A recent Senate report recommends the creation of a tripartite Migrant Work Commission, and a three-year phase-out of closed work permits to improve the TFWP.
ISG Senator Ratna Omidvar says the Senate Social Affairs Committee's conclusions were made with 'clear eyes' by members who visited workplaces in person to hear the stories of success, and held closed-door meetings with workers to hear their evidence of abuse. The Hill Times photograph by Andrew Meade
Despite “inflammatory” language in a new United Nations report accusing Canada’s Temporary Foreign Worker Program of being a breeding ground for modern forms of slavery, a recent Senate report made similar findings, accusing the program of failing both workers, and the employers and industries that depend on them.
Independent Senator Ratna Omidvar (Ontario), chair of the Senate Social Affairs, Science, and Technology Committee, told The Hill Times that while the committee’s final report may have come to slightly different conclusions with less inflammatory language, the underlying facts “are not terribly dissimilar.” The report offers six recommendations to help the federal government improve the program.
“Because of how the program has grown, we need [more] structural solutions than what the rapporteur suggests,” said Omidvar.
In his final report dated July 22 and published earlier this month, Tomoya Obokata, the UN’s Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery, wrote that Canada’s Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) is a “breeding ground for contemporary forms of slavery, as it institutionalizes asymmetries of power that favour employers and prevent workers from exercising their rights.”
The final report reiterates Obokata’s initial observations following a 14-day fact-finding visit to Ottawa, Moncton, Toronto, and Vancouver in late August 2023. It offers a number of recommendations among its conclusions, including a call to strengthen the mandate and enforcement powers of the Office of the Ombudsperson for Responsible Enterprise.
The TFWP allows employers to hire non-Canadians from outside the country on a temporary basis—predominantly in the agricultural sector—to fill labour shortages. However, since its creation in 1973, the program has grown dramatically, particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to government data, 83,643 temporary foreign workers were accepted into the low-wage stream in 2023, a nearly three-fold increase from the 28,121 workers accepted in 2019.
Economists and labour advocates have also criticized the recent upsurge, pointing to 2022 changes that broadened employers’ abilities to access the program, and arguing the TFWP has led to artificially suppressed wages for young people and other, already low-wage Canadian workers.
Speaking to reporters during a press conference on Aug. 14, Immigration Minister Marc Miller (Ville-Marie-Le Sud-Ouest-Île-des-Soeurs, Que.) objected to the rapporteur’s characterization.
“I think to some extent it’s quite offensive to treat people that have employees that are temporary foreign workers as slave owners,” Miller told reporters when asked about the final report, adding that he had met with employers and visited farms that employ foreign workers, unlike Obakata.
However, while he called the rapporteur’s characterization of the TFWP “inflammatory,” Miller said he isn’t denying the “underlying facts that there are abuses,” and that it’s his job to ensure they are stopped.
“Any person in Canada, regardless of who they employ, needs to treat people with dignity and respect according to the law, and that isn’t happening in some sectors that employ temporary foreign workers, and that needs to end,” Miller said, adding that multiple different reforms would need to be implemented, some of which he and Employment Minister Randy Boissonnault (Edmonton Centre, Alta.) have already begun.
Earlier this year, Boissonnault announced that some of the “time-limited” measures introduced to address the “post-pandemic economy” would be ending. As of May 1, new Labour Market Impact Assessments (LMIA) would only be valid for six months—down from 12—and certain employers identified by the 2022 Workforce Solutions Roadmap would reduce the total number of foreign workers employed from 30 to 20 per cent
Additionally, on Aug. 14, The Globe and Mailreported that the government is planning a “sharp cut” to the low-wage stream of the TFWP, and on Aug. 16, Bloomberg News reported Prime Minister Justin Trudeau (Papineau, Que.) is “mulling” a “name-and-shame” policy for individual business owners and managers who abuse migrant workers.
Currently, non-compliant employers are listed publicly on the Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada website, which details fines received, payment status, and current eligibility with the program.
Most recently, on Aug. 19,the CBC reported the government’s plan to announce a six-month pause on approval of temporary foreign worker applications to low-wage stream jobs in the Montreal area beginning Sept. 3.
In a statement to The Hill Times, Boissonnault’s office wrote that the health and safety of foreign workers is “paramount,” and employers have a responsibility to ensure their well-being.
“It is the responsibility of the federal government to ensure that employers are complying with the program and to hold those who are not to account,” Boissonnault’s office wrote, adding that in 2023 his department completed 2,122 inspections, and issued $2.1-million in fines to non-compliant employers, an increase of 36 per cent over the year prior. Additionally, 12 employers were banned from the program, up from seven the previous year.
Boissonnault’s office said he is also considering LMIA fee increases to pay for integrity and processing activities, as well as implementing regulatory changes for employer eligibility.
NDP MP Jenny Kwan (Vancouver East, B.C.), her party’s immigration critic, said the UN report should come as no surprise to the government, as it echoes “what migrant workers and labour advocates have been saying for a very long time.”
“The way the program is set up exposes workers to exploitation and abuse because they’re reliant on their employer to retain their status in Canada,” Kwan explained. “If they face abuse and exploitation and complain about it, they stand to lose their job, and—in the worst-case scenario—they stand to be deported back to their country of origin.”
Kwan said the government has taken a “haphazard approach” to addressing problems with the TFWP to date, focused almost solely on the low-wage stream, but—while misuse of that stream is “particularly deplorable”—she said the root of the problem is structural to the entire program.
“The government has to address the main structural issue, and that is the power imbalance that exists between the temporary foreign worker and the employer,” Kwan said. “The only way to do that is to ensure that the temporary foreign workers actually have landed status on arrival, then they are not dependent on the employer, and would not have to suffer potential abuses and exploitation.”
“It doesn’t matter what stream it is, all the temporary foreign workers programs subject migrant workers to potential exploitation because of that power imbalance,” Kwan said, adding, though, that the NDP supports calls to end the program’s low-wage stream.
While the government and groups like the Canadian Chamber of Commercemay reject the UN rapporteur’s characterization of the program, the recent Senate report found similar abuses within the program.
On May 21, the Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science, and Technology released its own report on Canada’s migrant labour infrastructure, which it said is failing both workers and employers.
Beginning its study in November 2022, the committee heard evidence and testimony from temporary foreign workers and employers, academics, policy experts, and government officials. Members also visited workplaces in New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island on a fact-finding mission.
While Obokata did not visit any farms or fisheries—as the Senate committee did—Omidvar said the Senators who worked on the report were able to come to their findings with “clear eyes,” having accounted for all perspectives.
Fittingly, those perspectives informed the first of the committee’s recommendations to provide what Omidvar said are “structural solutions” to a program that has grown in a rapid, disorganized, and often piecemeal manner for decades.
In its report, the committee offered six recommendations, the first of which is the establishment and funding of a tripartite Migrant Work Commission, modelled after the Canada Employment Insurance Commission, that would include a commissioner representing migrant workers, employers, and the federal government.
“Right now, there is no single place where either an employer or a migrant worker can go to address their issues,“ Omidvar explained. “In particular, there are not enough avenues of complaints for migrant workers that are nimble, effective, and worker-friendly.”
The second recommendation mirrors the UN report, but Omidvar said the committee recommends the full phase-out of closed work permits in the next three years, rather than immediately.
“You cannot go from extreme heat to extreme cold without creating severe cracks and fissures in the system,” Omidvar said, explaining that while the committee had identified closed work permits as an area of concern, the federal government would need time to negotiate with provinces to create regional, sector-wide permits to replace them.
Omidvar said the third most important recommendation is that workplace inspections be unannounced as a standard, adding that the current practice allows for unscrupulous employers to engineer a compliant workplace to give the illusion of compliance when inspectors arrive.
While Omidvar recognized that could also be true for the workplaces the committee visited—or at the very least, that only already compliant “good workplaces” would have even accepted their request for a visit—she said the workplaces she did see were undoubtedly having a positive impact on its workers and community.
At one seafood processing plant, Omidvar recalled speaking with employees who had arrived as temporary workers and successfully applied for permanent residency with the aid of sponsorship from their employer. She said that the new influx of residents had reinvigorated and revitalized the community with “new families, teachers, and parishioners” filling the local church every Sunday.
On the other side of the spectrum, Omidvar said the committee also met with migrant workers in closed-door meetings in other communities who detailed instances of abuse, including withholding access to health care. She explained that those abuses can be particularly problematic in rural and remote communities without nearby doctors or medical facilities.
Additionally, many of those workers said that there was a lack of clarity on the pathways to permanent residency, she noted.
“They’re operating in a fog of information, and we need to make those pathways crystal clear,” Omidvar said, adding that Canada needs an annual migrant worker level plan, as it has for annual immigration.
“The whole system post-COVID has been kind of bent out of shape with exceptions that we made to meet various needs,” Omidvar said. “Now, we need to get back to the drawing board and reconfigure this in a sensible, pragmatic, and doable manner that ensures the rights of migrant workers are paramount.”
"People are rightfully furious and deeply concerned to learn that a man allegedly linked to a terrorist group and heinous terrorist acts was given Canadian citizenship by the Liberal government," she said in a statement.
"This alarming failure only adds to the concerns that Canadians already have about Canada's public safety and immigration system."
On Tuesday, a parliamentary committee agreed to investigate the case amid questions about the immigration screening process for both men.
The committee hearings, set to begin later this month, will likely zero in on Canada's immigration process, its security screening capacity and how security officials handle domestic threats.
The New Democratic Party’s MP for Vancouver East Jenny Kwan says she believes she was also targetted.
“There’s no question in my mind that the diaspora community and, particularly, the Chinese Canadian community has been impacted,” she said.
She says hate-related incidents are happening because of interference, but the inquiry is required to get to the truth.
“So we’re not under the same cloud of suspicion, for elected officials to be suspected of being ‘traitors,’ quote unquote, of Canada, and if we don’t, sort of, get to the bottom of it we will continue to live under this cloud,” she said.
So did Poilievre really build just six affordable housing units in that time? No.
The Prime Minister’s Office confirmed to the Star that the number came from an answer to an order paper question tabled by NDP MP Jenny Kwan in December.
(MPs are able to pose questions to the government that result in a formal response, often in the form of written answers.)
Kwan had asked for a breakdown of the federal funding that was provided to support the construction of non-profit, community, co-operative and purpose-built rental housing — along with how many of those units were built — while Harper’s Conservatives were in power.
In its response to Kwan’s question, CMHC noted that there were limitations to some of the data it can provide.
During the 2015-2016 fiscal year included in the agency’s breakdown — the time frame relevant to Poilievre’s responsibility for the file — the document notes that across Canada, six non-profit or community housing units were built, all in Quebec.
But while it might seem like the Liberals have found a damning statistic to undermine Poilievre’s record on affordable housing, that’s not actually the case, said Steve Pomeroy, a housing policy expert who previously worked for CMHC.
Pomeroy said the data excludes a sizable number of units for which Ottawa was a funding partner, and only includes units delivered or administered solely by CMHC. In reality, he said the federal government has bilateral agreements with provinces and territories under which housing costs are shared, but the units are ultimately classified as having been delivered by those provinces and territories, not the federal government.
The numbers provided in response to Kwan’s question “include only units funded under programs delivered exclusively by CMHC,” the housing expert said, and “volumes under those programs were very small” in comparison to the number of units built under the bilateral agreements.
Last year, Pomeroy took it upon himself to get more accurate numbers.
Frustrated by a lack of publicly available and accurate data on social housing over the past two decades, Pomeroy worked with CMHC to generate a custom data set that laid out the number of social housing units developed each fiscal year. He shared that data in a brief to a House of Commons committee last month.
He found that in the 2015-16 fiscal year, 3,742 non-profit units and 506 co-operative units were completed with the help of federal funding.
The conclusion? That’s a lot more than six.
Poilievre says he actually built 200,000 homes when he was minister. Is that true?
In that same question period last May, Poilievre had a rebuttal at the ready for Trudeau’s claims.
“Mr. Speaker, actually the number is closer to 200,000, but the prime minister has never been very good with numbers,” the Conservative leader fired back.
But that statement seems to be yet another case of real figures shrouded in misleading context.
Poilievre’s office told the Star that his number came from Statistics Canada data, which shows that 194,461 housing units were completed in 2015.
That number includes different types of housing, like single-detached homes and apartments, but none are explicitly identified as “affordable” — which, Pomeroy said, typically only account for a small percentage of total builds.
He also noted that some of the units completed in 2015 were likely in development before Poilievre became minister of employment and social development.
“There’s housing being built all the time. It’s a market activity,” said David Hulchanski, a housing chair and professor at the University of Toronto’s Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work.
“Developers all over the country want to build condos and subdivisions,” Hulchanski said. “With a strong economy, the number is going to be higher, and with a poor economy or high interest rates the number is going to be lower. That’s just the way it is, so it’s a meaningless claim.”
Huchanski and Pomeroy both said that aside from those economic considerations, housing numbers tend to hover around the number Poilievre cited every year, because of private sector development that is unrelated to the government of the day.
“We have exaggerations on both sides,” Pomeroy said.